TONY Abbott has signalled a new style of Coalition government based on collaborative ties with business, a clearer set of priorities, less frenetic, more predictable and geared to stability, not fashion. For Abbott, the Rudd-Gillard years are his anti-model. He aspires to deliver what he calls "adult government". This is Abbott's version of conservatism. He is not interested in running an exciting, dramatic, high-expectations government, lurching into dysfunction and promising to improve every second aspect of your life. Abbott sees this style as immature and ineffective. In the end, he wants government to do less and people to do more. He believes the public is tired of Labor's egoism, boasting and endless self-obsessions. Announcing his ministry, Abbott said the people wanted a government that was "upfront, speaks plainly and does the essentials well". Decoded, this means cutting the spin, delivering his promises and getting the economy ticking in the teeth of rising unemployment. The challenge in delivering this brand of governance is a long row back. Abbott is going to face fierce opposition from special interests and causes that view him with suspicion at the outset and are sure to have those suspicions confirmed. His values, style and substance are different from Labor. The test is how they translate in practice and how the public responds. Abbott is a modest man but he must deliver more than modest government. He hates embroidery, loathes long ministerial titles, says he won't be talking to the media unless he has something to say and will recall parliament only when the carbon pricing repeal bills are ready. In totality, this outlook is a shock to the system. Abbott should have promoted another woman into his cabinet where Julie Bishop is the only female in 19 ministers. That he declined reveals a stubborness to do things his way. In this case it is counter-productive. While he has five women out of 30 ministers overall, it was a further mistake to have only one woman out of 12 parliamentary secretaries, the typical escalator for promotion. Abbott also is in trouble over contrasting optics: nominating a minister for sport but not a minister for science. The pivotal issue is whether the "back to basics" government he plans is compatible with the noisy, trouble-making real-time media cycle that now drives our politics. It is the clash between Abbott as conservative warrior and the anarchic modern media with its thirst for drama and obsession with gesture. In opposition Abbott was astute in setting the agenda; it is impossible to believe he will abandon this tactic. But he must learn how to set the agenda from office. The heart of this government is its economic team. Abbott is convinced Labor stumbled because of its obstructionist attitude towards big, small and resources-based business. Hence his "open for business" mantra, a message he will sell locally and globally. The team is Joe Hockey as treasurer, Mathias Cormann, a worthy promotion as finance minister, Andrew Robb in his sideways move to the new trade and investment portfolio to sell a pro-foreign investment message and Arthur Sinodinos, promoted into the ministry as assistant treasurer but lacking the immediate higher influence many expected. This is an economic team that is close to Abbott. Its values are pro-market, deregulatory reform and cutting Labor's red and green tape. The aim is to confirm established figures in jobs they have done where they are known to their business constituencies. This is typified by having Bruce Billson in cabinet with exclusive responsibility for small business. Note that Jamie Briggs, a dedicated economic dry, cracks the ministry and Mitch Fifield has an immense job dealing with disability and ageing. Abbott has signalled his pro-foreign investment disposition despite friction with the Nationals. In announcing the appointment of Nationals deputy Barnaby Joyce as agriculture minister, Abbott said his task was to "fulfil Australia's potential as the food bowl of Asia", a brief that demands an outward-looking mindset and close dealing with Hockey and Robb. A looming test is Hockey's decision as treasurer on the proposed foreign takeover of Grain Corp, Australia's largest listed agribusiness. Any flat rejection would ruin the credibility of Abbott's foreign investment message. Environment minister Greg Hunt, highly regarded by Abbott, will be pivotal to the government's early standing. His task is not just the huge job of legislating direct action but overseeing critical reforms - the abolition of Labor's climate change agencies, approving a backlog of resource projects and implementing the highly contentious "one-stop shop" state-based system of new project approvals. These decisions will be vital for Abbott, showing whether he is serious in moving to a more pro-development profile. Failure on this front would be disastrous. Abbott has followed John Howard's technique of a strong balance between conservatives and moderates. The moderates are prominent; witness Bishop, attorney-general George Brandis, education minister Christopher Pyne, communications minister, Malcolm Turnbull among others. It reflects a deeper trend: the unity of the party under Abbott and weakening of once deep divides, a factor vital to his success. Abbott is serious about valuing experience. Consider three familiar faces from the Howard era: Kevin Andrews in social security, Peter Dutton in health and Ian Macfarlane in industry. Abbott expects them to be safe and reliable. But Labor's critique is obvious: stability doesn't necessarily equate with dynamism. Abbott's internal authority is immense. While valuing experience he has been prepared to take tough decisions, demoting a number of people, sending a message of perform or else. The incoming prime minister has assumed within his department responsibility for deregulation and indigenous affairs. Abbott has been far-sighted in some of his parliamentary secretary slots, appointing those two Harvard postgraduates Josh Frydenberg to work with him on deregulation and Alan Tudge, experienced with Noel Pearson in Cape York, to work with him on indigenous issues. Their housemate, Columbia postgraduate Paul Fletcher, becomes parliamentary secretary to Turnbull. The backbench remains flush with potential: Christian Porter, Kelly O'Dwyer and Angus Taylor among others.